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18th Century Grandueur
from "St. Croix Under Seven Flags"
by Florence Lewisohn
� 1970 Florence Lewisohn
Reprinted 1991 by St. Croix Landmarks Society with permission from
Florence Lewisohn
Poking
around among the ruined Greathouses and
the crumbling old sugar
factories on St. Croix, one wonders how they looked and functioned when
peopled by an aristocratic family and the many slaves. Plantation life
on the island was only superficially like that of the American South,
for there were peculiarities unique to island existence, and it is these
differences which set apart life on the sugar plantations of St. Croix.
The daily life revolved in two overlapping orbits - around the
Greathouse where the Mistress reigned in the midst of all the splendor
she could muster in a far off colony, and around the sugar factory where
the Master was responsible for a mighty work force and a business
inevitably subject to strange vicissitudes.
Sugar created all this and sugar paid for it, although in times of
drought, hurricane, war or plague not even the income from the golden
brown muscovado could prevent the disasters. A sugar plantation
was a calculated risk; it took a huge investment and it paid off
handsomely in good years and sank the planter enormously in debt at
other times. There were few halfway stages. Good planters worked hard,
stayed home, worried a great deal with good reason to and scarcely had
energy left to enjoy the luxuries sugar provided for them.
In this Golden Age, the huge Greathouses were built with loving care and
outfitted lavishly with the finest of mahogany furniture, imported
porcelains and glassware, heirloom silver and Madeira linens
There was nothing makeshift about the construction of the manor house.
It was often a copy of some admired European mansion or followed the
neo-classic style with tropical modifications. The architectural designs
show varying influences but the construction methods were almost all
uniform. Great limestone blocks were hewn out of the wet sea coral or
taken from a quarry, hauled to the site and used in the two or three
foot thick walls. Local stone and ballast brick supplemented the coral
blocks; the whole held together with lime mortar made in the plantation
kiln, then plastered over and usually painted. Skilled artisans were
brought out from Europe to oversee the more talented of the slave
apprentices.
The Greathouse was almost always put on a knoll or side hill to catch
the tradewinds, but the all-important windmill placement had first
choice of the windiest spot. If there were not a good breezy place for
the house, then the first floor was always a storage and utility area
and the living quarters were above to catch the wind. The largest houses
usually used both floors for living quarters and the storage buildings
were put elsewhere. If money were no object, both floors would be of
stone, otherwise the second floor was of a good hardwood to resist
weather and insects.
The rooms were large and high of ceiling, often vaulted or tray style,
there being a theory that an uneven ceiling was less vulnerable in a
hurricane. The windows had deep sills recessed into the two-foot thick
walls and each window was fitted with stout wooden shutters ready to be
bolted and barred in case of storm. The doorways were wide, deep and
often arched, fitted with massive doors. Wide, cool galleries ran around
most of the house, and these often had lovely rows of arches of stone
and brick framing the view of the factory below and the sea in the
distance. The galleries served as outdoor living areas and were the real
social center of the house.
The planters usually made their own lime for mortaring the Greathouse
and factory buildings. A kiln was built into a hillside or earthen
buttresses were packed against the firing room if no hills were
available. The kilns looked something like a New England root cellar
except they had two small furnaces inside, both with openings for firing
in front. There was a large hole in the roof for a vent. Coral rock,
alternated with rows of wood and stone, was burnt until the resulting
lime sifted down through a grate on the floor. Various binders,
including molasses, were used to convert the lime to a mortar for
building. One of the old kilns is still intact at Estate Clifton Hill
where lime was sold commercially for many decades to builders who did
not want to make their own kilns.
There is a partial kiln left near Estate Butler's Bay beach which was
used when this magnificent Greathouse was built during the Golden Age.
The mansion has one of the most beautiful arched galleries on the
island, rivaled only by the handsome ones at Estate Little Princess.
Butler's or Bottlers' as it was originally listed when given free to a
new settler to encourage agriculture in the Northwest area, is one of
the finest examples of a restored Greathouse on the island. An inventory
of 1764 notes the usual houses plus a lumber house and 'sickhouse',
pidgeon cote and a necessary house, the euphemism for privy. A good
sized sugar works there included five coppers or boiling cauldrons, a
distillery which used 12 liquor casks of 3,000 gallons each and two
stills. The eighty-some slaves included several coopers.
Almost every building on each estate, including the Greathouse, had a
cistern under or adjacent to it to catch the rain water from the
guttered roofs. Adequate cisterns were and are required by law in the
towns, but country people didn't need laws to tell them that every drop
of water was precious. Many of these old cisterns built two hundred
years ago are still keeping water cool, pure and drinkable. However in
those days of strange fevers the prudent home owner kept a big limestone
'drip stone' on the gallery and another near the cookhouse. Water was
poured into a cavity at the top of the stone. It seeped through, cool,
filtered and clean to a clay jug below. Sometimes the more elegant homes
had charming lattice-work cabinets to house the stone, and sometimes a
separate little 'drip stone' house was built somewhere for it in the
shade.
There are some old wells on the island built at the same time, ranging
from 10 to 15 feet across at the top and tapering downward to as much as
100 feet deep, incredibly lined with smooth even stonework. It is hard
to believe that these were built with hand labor, the dirt brought up
bucket by bucket and the stones carefully laid row on row in mortar.
From the construction standpoint they equal the beauty of some of the
fine stonework on the old windmills. They owe it all to the principle of
the Bos'n's chair which was slung across at the top of the well, which
permitted a mason to be lowered from the top.
The family bathhouse with its plastered stone and mortar tub lay
somewhere to the rear of the Greathouse; it required much toting of
buckets of water to provide a bath. Cool cistern water felt best in this
climate, and neither tub nor sea bathing were yet too much in vogue
during this century. In any case, water was scarce and no one splashed
it about carelessly.
The all-important Cookhouse was in a separate building in the rear of
the Greathouse yard. It was usually made of the same stone and mortar as
the house or of all brick if enough were available. It had a very high
ceiling in proportion to size and an enormous funnel of a fire-resistant
brick chimney ran up at one end from a bank of cooking units. These
burners were each separate, mounted into a wide shelf under the chimney
hood. Each hole had space for charcoal below, a grate for ashes and a
grill above to hold a pot or for direct cooking. The one or two ovens to
the side of the shelf had their own fire boxes. The one used for
bread-making was pre-heated and the coals were then raked out before the
dozen or so loaves went in. This system provided the coolest possible
kind of cooking done at the convenient waist-level. Open fireplace
cooking with its lost heat and awkward stooping was unknown on St.
Croix.
Clay beehive ovens, big enough for roasting a goat or pig or used also
for bread-baking were often built near the cookhouse, and others were
put near the slave quarters. Generally the slave women cooked for their
families on what are still known locally as 'coal pots: These are
graceful utilitarian clay stoves on the hibachi principle, shaped from a
flared narrow bottom with a small grate opening to a wider top which
holds a big clay or metal pot over the glowing charcoal. The variety of
delicious dishes contrived for 'coal pot' cooking is surprising.
Cast-iron versions of this portable stove and matching pots are still on
sale on the island and popular for outdoor or gallery cooking. Several
times a year an old-style potter on the British island of Nevis sends up
clay 'coal pots' by schooner to St. Croix. They are quickly snapped up
at the wharf since they are one of the handiest miniature stoves ever
invented.

The slave quarter is still known as a Village and in the 18th Century it
was almost as self-sufficient as any communal settlement. The very
earliest slave huts were constructed of withes, daub and wattle style.
Upright poles were laced with branches and a daub thrown on made from
clay or cow dung base. A well thatched roof of cane stalks or palm
branches could last 50 to 80 years barring fire or hurricane.
These primitive daub and wattle huts were soon abandoned for the long
motel-like row houses built with one wall between each unit. A family
had two adjoining rooms with a connecting door. These were well-built
units of stone and mortar and they often survived the hurricanes in
better shape than some of the fancier estate buildings. Usually two long
rows of these units faced each other with a block-long street between,
in which the children played and the women cooked and visited.
Sometimes, as on one West End estate, the rows were staggered up the
hill in long parallel lines, each with a sea view and good breezes. The
slaves' furnishings were few: some benches and other simple furniture,
pallets filled with the local kapok or silk-cotton, simple eating
utensils and wooden plates, calabash bowls, the clay cookpots, cloth
supplied by the yard by the master and made up into clothing by the
women. Their further wants were rarely consulted. Each family had its
own plot of provision ground to grow some of its food and an area for
chickens or animals.
The nearby factory building consisted of a long huge boiling house,
often two stories high, where the cauldrons called 'coppers' were used
to reduce the cane juice to sugar. There were sheds for storage of tools
and barrels and others to keep the fuel dry, a distilling house and
outdoor cisterns to hold the cooling pipes for the rum-making process, a
molasses cistern and racks above it for the hogsheads of draining sugar
and a shed to store the filled sugar barrels. Nearby were stables for
the mules, horses and oxen and a long, low brick-arched building to hold
the cane carts. There was perhaps a fancy carriage house for the gigs
and barouches.
Somewhere not far off lay the two estate graveyards in a grove of trees.
One was for the family of the master and its kin, having fancy iron
railings and sometimes elaborate tombstones or even stone tombs, and
there was the simpler one for the slaves. It was a picturesque slave
custom to outline each earthen mound with lustrous pink conch shells, so
that a slave graveyard was a thing of reflected pink and white beauty,
glowing in the soft light as the slaves must have expected the pearly
clouds of heaven to do when their days of sorrow were done.
The estate owners loved to plant impressive avenues of mahogany, tibet
or palm trees lining each side of the long drive up from the public road
to the Greathouse. Up these trotted the callers in their barouche or
caleche with the ladies come to visit, or the gentlemen on horseback
passing by on their way into the Capitol. Formality prevailed, but it
was harder to maintain on a distant island than in Europe, so there were
many casual modifications of allowable behavior. The callers had their
rigs taken by a groom, mounted the 'welcoming arms' double staircase to
the rocking-chairs of the gallery and sat with a cool 'shrub' or
planters' punch or rum swizzle. Now and then the more elegant
Greathouses were thrown open for a dance and then the ballroom resounded
with the joy of the quadrille and the minuet, and the couples strolled
in the intense tropical moonlight haunted by the smell of the frangipani
and the sight of the moonlit yuccas and oleander. It was all very
storybook romantic while it lasted and a good deal of brooding reality
of the darker side of island life could be swept under the palm trees
temporarily.
After the passing of this most prosperous period, one American visitor
wrote "we were accustomed, some 20 or 30 years ago to see dashing West
Indian Nabobs in our cities or at our watering places whose doubloons
were as plenty as our dollars.' Such demonstrations, however, gave a
most unreal impression of the wealth of these islands. The Planters, or
their sons, who were then gay as butterflies, had but the butterfly's
brief existence. They were not spending merely the earnings of their
estates, but improvidentially loading those estates with debts which
have since swallowed them up. . ."
The young Nabobs were mostly sent off to school in London, Copenhagen or
Paris; the young ladies, too, went to fashionable finishing schools or
convents on the Continent. Over the years as the ties with North America
grew firmer, some of the young people were sent north to the new
colleges in the British colonies or even to the convents of Canada.
Among some historic Greathouses which either have survived fairly intact
from this period or have been lovingly restored are not only the
beautiful Butler's Bay and Whim but a number of others including Estates
Little Princess, Pearl, Little La Grange, The Grange, La Reine, Slob,
Cane Garden, Bonne Esperance, Annaly, Sprat HalL Baron de Bretton's old
home at Concordia, Sion Farm, Richmond and the two Orange Groves.
Sion Hill's Greathouse is a well-kept roofless ruin showing the
fine dressed-stone workmanship around the doors, windows and cornices.
The estate has impressive storage vaults dating from about 1757 and a
rum distillery of the same time. The old sugar-boiling 'coppers' are
back in place in the factory area, alive now with water lilies. The only
factory on the island where the 'coppers' have stayed in situ
these two centuries seems to be the one at Cane Bay. The huge old
boiling kettles were usually removed to cattle estates to be used to
hold the animals' drinking water in the fields. They now have become so
fashionable as garden accessories- among the new Nabobs that they are
worth more now than in 1750 when they came out from Denmark or Scotland
lashed to the deck of a pitching schooner.
One of the most impressive restorations is that of the old Greathouse at
Estate Cane Garden, part of which dates from the 1650s when the Jesuit
friars supposedly built it for a monastery during the French occupation
of St. Croix. It has been restored and refurnished to its mid-18th
Century period to show all the grandeur expected of a wealthy West
Indian planter.
Most of these preserved or restored Greathouses are in private hands but
appear regularly on the Open House and Garden Tours sponsored annually
in February and March by the local Landmarks Society, at which time the
public may visit them.
The architectural gem, Whim Greathouse, and its adjunct Plantation
Museum, restored sugar mill and other buildings, are maintained as a
public museum by the Landmarks Society, open at specified hours for an
admission charge, under lease from the Virgin Islands government which
owns this historical property.
Whim
exemplifies both the great days of sugar and rum and the story of an
enterprising flamboyant family which made a fortune on the island.
Recent extensive research provided by the Curator of the Danish Maritime
Museum in Elsinore, Henning Henningsen, has added many new details to
the MacEvoy family story. The first Christopher MacEvoy came out from
Scotland, probably a Catholic refugee avoiding the religious and civil
wars. He arrived on St. Croix about 1751 and by the time he applied for
Danish citizenship in 1776 he was termed one of the "most distinguished
planters" on the island. Britishers on the island were notoriously
sympathetic to the American Revolution and would possibly have been
subject to property confiscation if Britain had ever chosen to take the
neutral Danish islands, whose smuggling at the time often violated that
neutrality. Perhaps this was part of his motivation for becoming a Dane.
MacEvoy's plantations at this time included Cane Garden, Granard,
Longford, Rose Hill and Whim. MacEvoy married Jane Maria Markoe, of a
prominent French Huguenot family whose own predecessors had flown from
Protestant persecution in France, to settle on French, English and
finally the Danish islands.
The couple's first son, Christopher, Jr. was born on St. Croix in 1761,
and apparently they had another son, Michael, as he is mentioned in
later records as a contemporary of Christopher, Jr.
The older son never married, remained a Catholic like his father, and
became an immensely wealthy man and a Chamberlain to the Danish King.
Michael remained on St. Croix, unlike his restless brother, living at
Cane Garden with his son Peter, who eventually inherited all the family
property. The supposition is that Michael became the resident manager of
the family holdings for Christopher, Jr., who was never in residence
long. He was sent off first to London and Copenhagen for schooling and
commercial training and somewhere acquired a good deal of technical
knowledge.
The father and mother lived in Copenhagen or London as often as on the
island and the father died in England at age 73 in 1792. He was buried
in the Roman Catholic churchyard of Old St. Pancras, Middlesex, where an
elaborate monumental inscription was set up to his memory and that of
his wife. Maria Markoe MacEvoy is listed in Danish records as having
died in 1776, but the English gravestone reads 1812 and her will was
probated in St. Croix that year.
Under the English inheritance system, Christopher, Jr. was the chief
heir, but brother Michael seems to have inherited or been given the
south shore estate of Cane Garden at this time, which had been in the
family since about 1767.
Christopher began to cut quite a swath in London, and in Copenhagen
where his father had left him the country house, Christiansholm, and the
Reventlow Palace in town. Now and then he came back to St. Croix and it
was on one of these long visits that he is supposed to have started the
building of the Greathouse at Whim. No one knows the date exactly, but
it has been pin-pointed at about 1796. The land had been used as a
working sugar estate since its original patentee, Patrick Donough, had
sold it, and was called John's Rest until renamed by MacEvoy.
Where the sophisticated young owner got his inspiration for the unique
architecture is a mystery, but it shows influences of a French chateau
in its rounded ends and its sunken dry-moat watercourse which circles
the house. It is a spacious mansion with only three rooms, befitting a
bachelor who owned enough other Greathouses to live where he chose.
Living room, dining room, bedroom comprise the original structure. The
addition to the rear came a century later. Outlying buildings included a
cookhouse, a bath house, carriage house, storage sheds, the huge sugar
boiling factory, a distillery, the windmill and animal mill and later
steammill- that was Whim in its heyday.
MacEvoy had been living at Wimbledon near London when he was caught in
the absentee-owner tax squeeze put on roving plantation owners about
1812 and near the time of his mother's death. It was then he took his
wealth permanently to Copenhagen and began to indulge his tastes further
for high living.
Soon
the new resident had bought Bemsdorff, a fine country estate, and then
the Dehn Palace in Copenhagen. He furnished these so lavishly that the
townspeople thought his wealth was without limit. MacEvoy had one of his
few failures when he decided to establish a small private gas-works to
light his own palace and the nearby Royal one of Amalienborg. The
newfangled mechanism never worked well, and the whole apparatus was sold
off in 1825 to benefit the Institute for the Blind. Openhanded in his
charity, MacEvoy also built a large Catholic School, the first in
Copenhagen, and indulged in many other good works as benefited a West
Indian Croesus and Nabob. He had increased the profits from all his St.
Croix sugar estates by buying the sugar refinery at Cammelstrand in
Denmark.
The wealthy islander was best known for an episode in which he
over-stepped a Royal perogative and used white horses for his carriage.
The King exiled his presumptuous Chamberlain for a few years for this,
but the enterprising Christopher bounced back with a compromise so
amusing that the King forgave him. He had returned to Copenhagen with a
vanguard of eight white mules which it had taken some searching to
locate. His new carriage was royally fitted out with much gold leaf, his
driver and attendants wore resplendent uniforms and the mules wore
trappings finer than those of the King's white horses.
Some years earlier MacEvoy had considered using steam to run his sugar
mills on St. Croix, in fact was talking of this as early as 1791, but
the honor of having the first steam mill on the island went to nearby
Hogensborg instead of Whim when another innovator took the step before
MacEvoy got around to it. Whim itself seems to have been the second or
third estate to supplant wind with steam, but not until after it had
been sold by MacEvoy. He kept it until about 1824 when he sold it to the
firm of Hartmann and Brothers, the Hartmanns being intermarried with his
mother's family, the Markoes. It was sold again to the Tutein Brothers'
firm of C. Blacks Enke & Co., passing on soon to Baring Brothers & Co.
of London and then to a Thomas Griffith. Each of these owners maintained
it as a large sugar estate. Long after the introduction of several of
the huge central grinding stations and sugar factories on the island,
Whim remained one of a half-dozen large estates run privately but
processing the cane for many nearby properties.
By
1829, Christopher MacEvoy was listed as owning only three estates; these
were Barrenspot which also had a large private steammill, Salt River and
Orange Grove. These were inherited by Peter MacEvoy of Cane Garden when
his memorable uncle died in July, 1838 at his BemsdorfI country estate
in Denmark, at age 77.
Peter helped carry on the family traditions. He seems to have moved to
London and while there, like his uncle, was in trouble over the absentee
tax on roving estate owners. The Danish Supreme Court sentenced Peter to
a fine of 6,519 gold rigsdaler against his St. Croix properties.
He had by then added Bushby's, next ta Williams Delight, and
several other plantations to his holdings. Peter had also inherited gold
and silver tableware stared in seven iron-bound chests valued at 40,000
rigsdaler and an untold wealth in all his uncle's property in
Denmark.
The inheritance came at a time of declining economy, now known as
the one-hundred year depression, and the golden horde supplied by sugar
cane was soon no longer dependable: Still, the MacEvoys continued to be
listed as owners of sizeable holdings on the islands until well through
mid-century.
One of the last references to the family was in 1878 when a
William MacEvoy signed a petition of "British Planters"
protesting against the damage done to their properties in the Labor
Riots, which, they charged, would have been prevented by firmer Danish
control. It is an interesting sidelight that after a century and a
quarter of ownership on St. Croix and a century of Danish citizenship,
the family still referred to itself as British.
After visiting Whim, history-minded explorers may want to do a
little curious poking about in some of the old ruined Greathauses.
Bear in mind that no matter how forlorn they look, all ruins are owned
by someone and souvenir hunters are not welcomed. The imaginative
visitor can stand in the midst of the bush-covered ruins and call
up visions of a teeming plantation.
Half an hour before sunrise the bomba blew the conch shell horn
or rang the estate bell, routing out the men, women and children to
start the day's work in the fields or around the factory and
distilling house. All day the women hoed, planted and cut cane alongside
their men. For cutting they used the old time 'bills', a knife something
like the machete now used but with a wider and mare curved blade.
The machete first came into use to strip the leaves from the cut
stalk.
The children and older people had the lighter tasks of cleaning up the
debris in the fields for use later as fuel, of loading the cane into the
racks on the backs of mules on the hillside fields or into the cane
carts on the flats. Young boys drove the mules or ax-carts to the
mill and the gang of smallest boys and girls did the weeding.
Only the most skilled workers tended the windmill for the grinding of
the cane or worked at the 'coppers' where the juice was boiled down.
Most skillful of all were the rum-makers who used the molasses residue
judiciously mixed into a mash of many ingredients to create the golden
base for the planters' punch.
Making sugar and rum was a production line procedure. During 'crop time'
the factory area was a kaleidoscope of frenzied activity. The cane carts
rumbled up in an endless line to the mill where a small crew ran the
stalks through the rollers.
In
the early years before the huge windmills became common, the rollers
stood outside under a thatched shed, surrounded by a circular path along
which the mules, horses or oxen tread with their harness attached to
long poles which connected with the gears to turn the rollers. An
improved version of these 'mule mills' had a wide circular earthen or
stone elevated walk. The animals walked the path on top. Sometimes there
was a small platform attached to the pole on which the drover sat with
his whip to keep the animals on the move. These animal treadmills were
called ingenios by the Portuguese who first used them in Brazil
and in one primitive form or another they were in use for several
hundred years throughout the West Indies and in the rural areas of the
American South. On St. Croix some of the mills were elaborate affairs
with beautifully built high walkways such as the one at the old Estate
Seven Hills. Bricked arches led underneath the walk for the cane carts
to go in one side and out the other after leaving off the load of stalks
and picking up the bagasse debris to cart off to the drying shed
for fuel. These mills continued in use long after most estates built
their more efficient windmills. If the tradewinds dropped or the
windmill was out of order, an animal mill often saved the day if cane
was ripe; or the old mill was used as an auxiliary grinder when the
field crews cut more cane than the windmill crew could handle. There are
only a few of these 'mule mills' left intact, the best examples being
those at the old Estates of Seven Hills, Cane Garden, La Grange, Rust op
Twist and the one at Cane Bay which still has its sluiceway for the
juice to run down to the boiling house. There are perhaps several dozen
more such mills left half-standing. One of the old names for them was a
"Whim" and possibly this is the original meaning of the name of Estate
Whim.
St. Croix is fortunate in still having some 115 of its old stone
windmill towers standing. At one time they numbered nearly 150. The one
at Estate Whim, the Landmarks Society restoration, has had its grinders,
gears, roof and sail blades put back in place; it is now the sole
completely restored mill in the whole of the islands. What a sight it
must have been in the late 1700s driving through the hills, valleys and
along Centerline in a barouche watching the sail blades whirling on
tower after tower rising above the green fields of cane.
Windmills were tricky mechanisms, although fairly simple in principle.
They had a devilish inclination to make it hard for the working crew.
Either the wind blew too hard, which meant the brake crew had to sweat,
or the wind shifted, in which case seven or eight strong men were needed
in a hurry to push on the long pole which rotated the roof on gears to
put the sails into the wind before they were stripped. This enormous
Canadian spruce pole, called a tailpiece, was as heavy as a mast on a
large schooner. It was attached to gears which helped swing the entire
roof along an inner track at the top of the mill. The four sail blades
were attached to the roof and had to face into the wind. If the wind
shifted and they weren't swiveled in time, the sails might tear right
off the wooden frames. When the sails weren't in trouble from too much
wind, the opposite problem might arise and a becalmed windmill in the
midst of 'crop time' gave the planter and the mill hands problems
comparable to those of the Ancient Mariner. The meticulous planter sent
over to Puerto Rico for the durable acoma wood to use in making
the mill's sail blades.
The
construction of the old stone mill towers is something to wonder at.
They all look somewhat alike, yet there are many variations in style and
dimensions because of the differences in terrain chosen for the site.
This choice was determined by the prevailing wind direction and by the
climb to be made by the ox-carts, so that nearly all the towers are on
the tops of small rises or the sides of larger hills. Each tower was
built with precision and esthetic care considering that they were solely
utilitarian and that the work was done by slave labor without benefit of
architects. The walls are as much as six feet thick at the bottom,
tapering up smoothly inside and out to about three feet thick at the
top, with the walls always slanting inward to form a lopped off cone on
which the roof structure was placed. The walls were usually made of
square cut coral rock in which the sea life was forever perpetuated.
Inside, square holes in the stone work were left to tie in the beams for
the two wooden floors which ordinarily divided the mill into three
stories.
A few of the towers had small fireplaces with a long chimney flue
inside the mill wall. Speculation is that these were used to cook for
the grinding crews during 'crop time' when the men worked in shifts
around the clock.
This stone tower type of windmill derived from the Dutch Jews who had
first evolved the style on their Brazilian plantations. When they were
expelled from there they moved on up into the Caribbean, bringing their
knowledge of sugar cane culture and sugar-making with them. Later, with
the change from wooden grinding rollers to ones made of iron, much of
the machinery for the mills came from Scotland or England.
The grinding machinery consisted of three iron rollers; the center one,
called the 'King', was geared into the flanking ones. Back of the
rollers was a 'dumb returner' which pushed the ground-up cane stalks
back around again for a second turn through the rollers. Incidentally,
just about the most elegant grinding roller imaginable was turned up in
the ground a few years ago at Estate Judith's Fancy. It was made of
marble, and dates, perhaps, from the late 1600s when the French Knights
of Malta had their headquarters on this estate.
Ordinarily the grinding rollers were on the first or ground floor of the
mill but on some of the hillside mills the carts came to a second-floor
ramp and this level would have an opening through which the bagasse,
the cane debris left after the stalks were ground, would be dropped
down through a hole into waiting carts on the first floor.
There
is a contemporary print showing one of the rare old water mills on St.
Croix, with its enormous buckety wheel resting in mid-stream. This is
believed to have been located at Estate Strawberry Hill, which was named
for a suburb of London, but there are other references to two similar
water mills, one at Estate Orange Grove on Mahogany Road and the other
located somewhere in the Estate Mon Bijou or Estate Little Fountain
area. Possibly a fourth one was at Rust op Twist where there are the
remains of an old sluiceway. This proves, if nothing else, that the
island once had enough running streams for a planter to take a chance on
having a steady supply of water to run his mill.
There are two or three other fairly unique mills on the island, built in
the ancient post-mill style; a derivation of the earliest Dutch and
English mills in which a structure revolved on top a center post. In the
modified island version the towers are of stone and look like all the
others except for being a little more squat. The ground Floor has a
large stone center post arching out into a vaulted ceiling. In this
type, the carts went up a ramp to the machinery on the second floor. Two
examples are still standing, at Estate Diamond Keturah and Estate Two
Brothers. Presumably these two mills operated by windpower.
There is one completely unique mill located on Estate Old Pye, not far
from Long Point on the south shore. Its stone tower has the huge center
post and vaulted ceiling on the ground floor but unlike the others it
was not built to be a windmill. Originally it was a stone tower 'mule
mill' surrounded by a high broad walkway for the mules or oxen to tread
on top. The machinery was inside the second floor. Two long poles known
as 'swepes' ran from the animals to the gears. Such mills were among the
most primitive kind built by the Dutch for the first sugar plantations
of Barbados. The Barbadian ingenio had vertical rollers geared
into a spindle at top from which several chains were attached to yokes
on the oxen. The remnant of such a mill on Barbados has an octagonal
stone tower with doors and a spindle opening, but it is only about half
as high as a windmill tower. An octagonal walkway, buttressed with
earth, surrounded the tower.
Old Pye's mill was converted later from this type to a windmill. Several
of the French maps of the 1660s and 1670s indicate a Sucrerie des
Anglois in approximately the area of Old Pye. There were no English
on the island then, so it is just possible that this unique mill was
built during the joint English-Dutch occupation of St. Croix beginning
sometime in the first quarter of the 17th Century. If so, it vies with
Fort St. Jean (now Louise Augusta) as the oldest known structure
on the island. The French maps also indicated two other old English
sugaries, but there is so far no trace found of them. Pye being an
obsolete English term for either a pie or a piebald animal the Estate
name may be derived from the shape of a possible octagonal walkway or
from the favorite old beast on it.
Richard Ligon in his True & Exact History of Barbados,
printed first in 1657, gives an eye-witness version of the working of
the early animal mills.
The manner of grinding them is this, the Horses and Cattle' being put
to their tackles, they go about, and by their force turne (by the
sweeps) the middle rollr, which being Cog'd to the other two, at both
ends, turne them about, and they all three, turning upon their Centres,
which are of Brass and Steele go very easily of themselves and so
easie, as a Mans taking hold of one of the Sweeps, with his hand will
turne all the rollers about with much ease. But when the Canes are put
in between the rollers it is a good draught for five Oxen or horses; a
Negre puts in the Canes of one side, and the rollers draw them through
to the other side, which another Negre stands and receives them, and
returnes them back on the other side of the middle roller which draws
them the other way.
Ligon speaks also of a barbycu, a type of shed with racks to hold
the canes when brought in to the lngenio, and possibly if this
term later was applied to the crushed bagasse stalks used to fuel
the fires under the kettles, his word may come from the Taino Indian
barbacoa which became the Spanish-American barbecue. But of more
interest is Ligon's mention of using camels in Barbados to carry the
1,600 lb. hogsheads of sugar and the lighter ones of wine and beer. One
Englishman, on Nevis Island, also tried out camels at a later date, and
while the same planter who imported them to Nevis also owned several
estates on St. Croix there is no reference that the beasts were ever
imported to this island.
Reaching further back into sugar-making on St. Croix, the most primitive
mill type of all may have once been in use on the island. There is an
old French print with a scene from an unidentified French West Indian
island showing the use of a huge mill stone of the gristmill sort with a
hole in the center. Unlike the horizontal use in gristmills, this stone
stood vertically on its outer edge, with a pole wedged into the center
hole and two men are shown pushing on this as a lever to roll the stone
around. The top of the stone had another pole attached to it and then to
a socket in a fixed roof beam, allowing it to swivel. As the two men
pushed the stone in a circle, their helpers pounded the cane stalks with
mallets and then put them under the stone. The juice ran in a trough to
a small receiver; from this it was put into clay boiling pots over camp
fires for reduction to sugar. Dated 1670, the print shows only white
workers who are probably white slaves since the importation of Africans
to the French colonies was very limited at this time.
The cane juice ground out by any of the most primitive or most
sophisticated of mill types was run in a sluiceway of wood or lead,
downhill to the boiling shed or house. Freshly squeezed juice had to be
processed quickly or fermentation set in which spoiled the sugar. It
went first into a huge pot called a Receiver and then on into a
Clarifier where it was barely simmered to bring up the first impurities,
then allowed to stand a little while before skimming.
The
activity around the windmill was as nothing compared to the feverish
scurrying in the steamy boiling room. Here in the long rectangular space
were mounted the banks of 'coppers,' the huge iron vats in which the
juice was reduced to the right thickness for granulation. The Clarifier
was always elevated above and near the first of the 'coppers,' and the
hot mixture drained from a petcock down a trough to the first boiling
vat.
The big vats were built into a solid long shelf of mortar, their rims
flush with the top and at waist height. Each had its fire box enclosed
below and fed from an outside opening. The men and boys pushed the dry
bagasse fuel into the 'furnace' under the 'coppers'. There were
draft openings between the fire boxes and outside and long flues
to bring in cold air and suck out the foul air. There were. ash pits
below the grating bars which held the fuel. A brick archway usually led
into the pits and through this the men had to crawl to clean out the
ashes now and then.
The fresh hot juice came from the Clarifier into the 'copper' known as
the Grand, where it was boiled and skimmed constantly until reduced some
in volume; then it was ladled into the next smaller 'copper', the
process of reduction, skimming and ladling being repeated down the row
of four 'coppers.' Various 'tempers' such as Bristol lime, wood ash or
vegetable ash were added during the process and these helped 'yaw' or
cleanse the sugar of various impurities.
The master boiler worked at the end of the row of 'coppers' at the
smallest one known as the Teache. His job it was to decide just
when the thick mixture was ready to 'strike.' This was the crucial point
at which the syrupy mass would best crystallize into good grainy sugar
when cool. The success of the entire process depended on the judgment of
this man. He tended to be the most pampered slave on each plantation.
The yell of 'strike' brought a whole crew of men running to ladle the
boiling mass into a portable wooden trough which reached across the room
to the long wooden cooling pans which were built along the wall near the
floor.
The yield of sugar from cane varied widely because the sweet content
depended on soil, weather, ripeness and other factors. Generally a good
mule mill using relays of teams could produce about 500 gallons of juice
per hour, which meant 10,000 gallons went through the boilers in a day
if the mill ran more or less around the clock. Given good breezes, the
windmill production could double this.
Once the sugar mass had cooled, it was put into huge hogsheads of the
1,600 cwt; these were then suspended on racks over a cistern built to
hold molasses. Each hogshead had eight or ten holes in the bottom which
were plugged loosely with the pithy leaf stalks of the papaya tree,
through which the molasses slowly drained away from the sugar. When
drained fairly dry, the, hogsheads of sugar were inverted and filled to
the top with additional sugar; then the cooper put on solid new headings
and the big barrel was branded with the estate name or symbol and was
ready for shipment. St. Croix was noted for its fine muscovado
sugar, a moist, raw brown type. The making of refined white sugar was
almost unknown on the island.
The skimmings from the boiling process were used in the mash for
rum-making, being later combined with purer molasses from the
cisterns. Some planters sold a good deal of their molasses to the
Northern British colonists in exchange for provisions not readily
available from Denmark such as barrel staves and headings, lumber,
horses, salt fish and corn meal. New England was filled with rum
distilleries using West Indian molasses, thriving on the Triangle Trade
which took rum to Africa, slaves to the West Indies and molasses to New
England. Generally the planters used most of their molasses for their
own rum-making as it, too, was a good cash product.
The enormous containers for mash stood in a still-house adjacent to the
sugar factory. The capacity of these 'Butts' was up to 1,000 gallons and
a distillery might keep a dozen of them fermenting at once. Into them
went a variety of mixtures depending on what was available. To start,
five parts of water to one of molasses, plus the skimmings from the
sugar boiling if it were crop time. A mother of yeast was needed
to start the fermentation and sometimes this came from part of the
bagasse which was caught in the strainer as the cane juice had
flowed down from the mill. This fine 'trash' from the cane was known as
cush-cush. The natural yeast in it came from a whitish powder formed at
the joints of the cane stalks.
The mixture needed some form of acid; some local limes or tamarinds,
salt peter, mineral or vegetable ash all went in according to the
planter's taste. Some imbibers favored the piquancy of the bitter
Seville oranges added to the mixture. It took four to six days to
ferment the mash in the 'butt.' The next step involved the pot still and
a doubler or retort which stood next to each other out of doors just
outside the still-house. The pot was elevated over a bricked-in furnace.
A pipe ran from the mash 'butts' out through the wall to the pot,
carrying the mash into the still where it was heated until the vapors
passed on by a gooseneck into the retort. This vessel had already been
filled to one-fourth capacity with low wine, a weak low-proof rum taken
off at the beginning and end of every distillation. It acted as a primer
for the hot vapors coming out of the pot still; when the vapors and low
wine combined to boil together, it greatly strengthened the proof or
alcoholic strength. The combined vapors passed on down into a
weird-looking contraption which condensed them into rum.
The
contraption was a set of 'worms' - pewter pipes coiled something like a
huge bedspring, suspended in a cistern of cold water. When the alcoholic
vapors circled down the cold pipes, they condensed and out came rum. Not
the golden color expected, but a colorless 'white' which the planters so
preferred to drink that they often lined their rum puncheons with wax so
that the aging process would not turn the rum golden. Ordinarily, the
rum aged in the wooden puncheons for months or years, after which it
became the expected amber shade of a good dry rum. The pot still method
produced rum averaging 120 to 140 proof. Anything weaker than this was
tossed back into the low wine 'butt' to be used over again to prime the
retort for the next batch.
The last step in the operation was to run the leftovers in the retort
and pot still back into the used mash barrel and then to dispose of the
whole used-up dregs in the lees pond nearby. The sour mash smell
of the lees pond permeated the whole area on a good breezy day.
There were thrifty planters, fortunately mostly on the British Islands,
surely Scotsmen, who used the lees itself in making up fresh
batches of mash, but this practice was reprehensible on St. Croix where
the planters prided themselves on their quality rum.
The very finest rum of all was made directly from pure cane juice
without using any molasses. This naturally could be distilled only at
'crop time' and naturally was reserved for the planter's own private,
extravagant, stock.
Almost
every slave on the plantation worked feverishly during 'crop time',
either in the fields cutting ripe cane, in the mill, sugar factory or
distillery. When 'crop' was done, it was time to celebrate. There was
all the cane juice one could drink and all the molasses one could sop up
on good corn bread, and some of the rum to wash it down. There were a
few days off from work and a few nights with the drums reverberating
from the hills, with the indefatigable dancers and chanters performing
until dawn. Dimly remembered tribal dances out of Africa vied with the
bamboula, a gay and spirited dance which soon became the favorite
of townspeople also. Originating on the Guinea coast, the bamboula
reached the peak of being a craze some decades later in the 18th
Century among the Spanish Catholics on St. Thomas and Puerto Rico. It
was danced in church and in their processions and on Christmas night the
nuns danced it on a platform built in the convent yards in front of a
grating kept open for the townspeople to watch. The only way in which
the sacred version varied from the secular was that no men were allowed
to dance with the nuns. Shortly after, the Church forbad the practice
and eloquent sermons were preached against the bamboula in any
form.
When
the 'crop over' celebration was done, the sugar went off to market in a
rumble of ox-carts down Centerline to the town wharves. The workers
settled down to making rum from the cistern newly full of molasses and
to a general rehabilitation of the plantation and themselves. The pace
was more leisurely but there was never-ending work. Cane fields had to
be cleaned of the debris and new fields planted. Fields were used in
rotation for planting, and because the cane plants renewed themselves
for five or six crops at 18 months' intervals, the new growth had to be
cultivated, manured and weeded. Fallow fields had to be hoed and 'holed'
into squares each holding a newly planted cutting.
Each family had its own provision ground and possibly some stock to care
for, and this lull was a good time in which to get in new kitchen
gardens. The coopers were busy fashioning puncheons to hold the new rum
and with putting together hogsheads for the next year's sugar crop. The
wainwright made new carts and wagons while the wheelwright repaired the
old wheels.
The blades were taken down from the windmill and stored away carefully
during the hurricane season. Their big old canvas sails were repaired or
new ones made.
The women worked on new clothing from the hundreds of yards of osnaburg
or rough linens and woolens sent out from Europe. West Indians favored
lightweight woolens for this hot climate for reasons unknown, unless it
had to do with beliefs about dangerous night airs and strange miasmic
fevers. And true enough, the slaves were peculiarly susceptible to
respiratory diseases and few on the island escaped the chills and
fevers. Impure drinking water, the malarial mosquito and the plagues
carried out from Europe took their annual toll of slaves and masters.
The master mulled his accounts in this Spring lull and worried about
whether the sugar shipment would ever reach market what with the
fortunes of war and the bad storms in the Atlantic. His freight
insurance costs were high, and in wartime the rates were astronomical.
He had yearly mortgage payments or interest to meet. The fluctuating
price of sugar was the crucial key to the whole year's work, and it was
more unpredictable than today's stock market. The incessant wars of the
late 18th and early 19th Centuries made life in the colonies pure
financial speculation.
The keynote was self-sufficiency although no single island or plantation
was completely independent of outside supplies and markets.
The slaves, with their African background, were skilled in the use of
plant life and trees. From the Indians they had inherited the cassava,
tobacco and the hammock. There were at least 30 varieties of local
'bush' from which they made medicines or refreshing 'teas,' and at least
100 other trees and plants had medicinal usages of other sorts. Many of
these were surprisingly effective and are still in use today on St.
Croix. There is an interesting leaflet republished from the Bulletin
of The History of Medicine in 1958 detailing the medicinal practices
of the St. Croix weedwomen, the old women of the island who have
inherited untold generations of accumulated lore on the curative powers
of plants. Written by two Department of Agriculture experts, Dr. A J.
Oakes and M. P. Morris, the leaflet discusses the place of the weedwomen
in Cruzan life and describes the plants they use for various ailments.
Under slavery, the stable tribal life was broken up and with it
gradually disappeared the 'medicine man', to be replaced by this group
of knowledgeable wise weedwomen who dispensed remedies at least as
reliable as the official medical practices of the times, since these
consisted mostly in bleeding, sweating and purging. These old women
rarely dealt with obeah or voodoo aside from trivial love charms, but
the men did, and many hair-raising, uncanny tales have been passed down
although no true believers appear to be left.
For household use there were many local plants and trees which took care
of a surprising number of needs. There were various kinds of soap and
scouring equipment to be picked from the fields; other plants supplied
material for mats, cloth, varnish, charcoal, insect repellent, indelible
and other inks, fine oils, meat tenderizers, incense, perfumes, kapok,
illumination oil, cloth dyes, glues, dishes and bowls, tranquilizers,
tick and chigger killers, paints, broom fibers, table mats, screens and
rugs, mattress stuffing, natural gelatins and insecticides.
The homemade medicine cabinet included not only the sickness remedies,
but salves for burns, headache powders, laxatives, poultices,
astringents, hangover remedies and various therapeutic compounds thought
good to bring back a loved one, to improve virility or to aid in
fecundity: all available from field or forest.
The self-sufficient men found sources for making cordage, twines, gums,
water pipes, house framing, posts, fishnets, life preservers, floats,
caulking materials, ropes, fish bait, fish poisonings, long-burning
torches, glues, bushings, bearings, mallets, bowling balls, book
binders, rollers, machine oils, gutters, alcohols, corks, tanning
compounds, fire tinders and woven fences.
The children made flutes from the papaya stems, used many berries and
seeds for jewelry, made Christmas decorations from plant seeds, tattoos
from juices, candies and liquorices from tree products, rattles from
pods and improvised toys of all kinds from fibers and barks. Their
playing cards came from fig tree leaves etched while green, their
whistles from reeds and their box kites from a light-weight wood. The
drums, flutes and stringed instruments used by the slaves were all made
from local products.
This one small island had such a variety of climates and plant life in
its limited expanse that it often fascinated visiting botanists. It is
on record that more than 20 of them visited and collected on the island
in the period between 1785 and 1900 alone, and these collections now
rest in some of the most famous botanical exhibits in Denmark, England
and France. One of the first of these was Louis Claude Richard, son of
the French court gardener and nephew of the keeper of the gardens at the
Trianon. Sent out by Louis XVI to Guayana to find new plants of economic
value to the French West Indies, he widened his exploration from
Brazil to Puerto Rico, and nearly all points between. He spent some time
on St. Croix and included many of its plants in his Parisian herbarium.
The adventuresome Baron Heinrich Franz von Eggers was an avid botanist
as well as a police Lieutenant in both St. Croix and St. Thomas. He
fought on St. Croix during the 1878 riots, but this must have seemed a
small skirmish in comparison to his tour of duty with the Austro-Belgian
Corps of the Imperial Mexican Volunteers in 1865 when he was captured
and held prisoner in Oaxaca, Mexico. He had fought with Denmark in her
earlier war against Germany, coming himself from the Slesvig area where
his father was police director and entering the Danish service again
after his Mexican adventure. In all, Baron Eggers took home 500 sheets
of specimens, which went to many museums, but his special ones of
seaweed and phanerogams are in the Copenhagen Botanical Museum. His book
on the Flora of St. Croix is now a rare classic.
The botanical record appears to be held by a Mrs. Rickseeker and her
three sons. She was married to a Moravian minister and while the family
was on St. Croix only a few years, the eldest son, Alfred, managed to
take back some 6,000 St. Croix specimens with him to the Field Museum
Collection in Chicago in 1896. After he was gone, his two younger
brothers and his mother collected some 2,000 more. While these contained
many duplicates, it has been estimated that when catalogued, the
Rickseeker and Eggers collections together list 1,029 St. Croix flora.
Nature played a different role for the Africans who brought their
beliefs with them. The first slaves were deeply involved with obeah or
voodoo and with lesser spirits called Jumbies. The obeah ceased to be a
meaningful influence rather earlier on St. Croix than on the British and
French islands, but the mischievous Jumbies are still around. They are
nuisance spirits, ordinarily engaged in such activities as popping out
at intersections of paths at night just to frighten the late-goers,
tangling themselves in women's hair, making the huge old kapok or silk
cotton trees walk at night, scaring children and other moderate high
jinks intended to keep behavior in line. Eerie tales of were-wolves were
also useful to keep children subdued. On the more lovable side were the
Bru A'Nancy tales brought from the African Gold Coast and much loved in
the islands. Variously spelled also as Bru Anansi, plain Anansi or
Ananzi, these tales of Spider Man and Lion had spread throughout all the
islands. One of them, "Tar Baby," attained world-wide circulation.
Some, of the black magic of obeah, known as 'Obi', was renewed now and
then by the influx of Negroes from the British and French islands coming
to work annually in the cane fields after the days of slavery were over.
An obeah murder on St. Croix in 1922 was a hair-raising rarity, to do
with a horse race. The killing of a young man was to secure his heart
and liver to feed to a race horse. The murderer was caught and
convicted. After this, the Jumbies with their evil spirits and bad
tricks used as bogeymen for the children seemed only pale reflections of
ancient Africa. The luxuriant folklore of the Danish Islands has been
well covered by such writers as Henry Whitehead, Father John Levo, J.
Antonio Jarvis and Hamilton Cochrane but one or two stories are unique
to St. Croix and deserve inclusion.
One
concerns the bas-relief sculpture of a mermaid high on the outside wall
of the old estate house at Friedensborg which lies on a hilltop
overlooking the Bethlehem gut. There are several versions of this story,
but they all involve an old Dane who fell in love with a
mermaid whom he
found swimming in the gut in the days when guts ran wet, not dry. He
borrowed money from the mermaid to build his new house, after falling
properly in love with her, of course. In appreciation, he made the
sculpture and put it up on the new wall. Then he celebrated his good
fortune with a house-warming but did not invite the mermaid. This was
not ingratitude; he merely assumed she could not walk up the hill. She
could and she did. She killed her beloved in anger at the way he had
snubbed her, went back down to the gut and swam away to sea.
When this story was related with relish by one of the old men of
Friedensborg village, he was asked by a small boy, "but how could the
mermaid walk up hill?" To which the true believer said firmly, "She just
could, that's all." The literal little boy and the old Dane who lost his
life should have known better, that's all. But as the island saying goes
'''Me know it' nebber go before:' Which is to say that hindsight is
easy.
One of the favorite stories of a local raconteur concerns the old
method of getting rid of one of the milder venereal diseases, the Yaws,
once as prevalent as Jumbies. Back east of Mt. Victory lay a valley
called Yaw's Hole where those with the disease went for expert help.
Here an old lady kept a brick oven in which she baked the feet of anyone
with the sores. After 24 hours of baking, she had all the infection
drawn down and knotted into one lump which she proceeded to twist out
ruthlessly. The cure worked, but it was not recommended for the timid.
Folklore often demonstrates that all the facets of daily life on St.
Croix were not rosy and glamorous even during the Golden Age of wealth
and prosperity.
The local outsized cockroaches came in for their share of lore. One
story concerns the ingenuity of a bright young government worker. His
Governor had been so indiscreet as to either give away or sell the large
surplus of cannon balls which were never put to use on these neutral
islands. Copenhagen dispatches asked for an accounting of all cannon
balls. The young official wrote back that the missing ones had been
eaten by the island's 'Cock'A'Roaches.' Three months later came the
message that Danish scientists were most interested in having specimens
of such 'Cock'A'Roaches'. Undaunted, the young man replied that it would
be disastrous to ship specimens of any such iron-eating insects in a
wood hulled vessel.

A generation back, enterprising small boys used to sell numbers of these
iron-eaters to unsuspecting tourists interested in the flora and fauna
of an exotic island. The boys carried their merchandise in large match
boxes and sold them as being specimens of a rare "mahogany bird."
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